Durban Summit 2026: SADC Must Address Regional Migration Crisis
Regional leaders face pressure to confront xenophobia and migration tensions at upcoming summit.
SADC’s 2026 Summit Must Tackle Migration Head-On
South Africa’s recent anti-migrant protests, vigilante actions and mass repatriations have exposed deep fractures in regional relationships. The majority of African migrants caught in these campaigns come from neighbouring countries within the Southern African Development Community, making the 17 August summit in Durban a critical moment for the region’s leaders to confront rising xenophobia directly rather than sidestep it.
The summit was originally designed to focus on resilient, sustainable and inclusive industrialisation. That agenda now competes with an urgent need to address strained ties between neighbouring states and the anti-migrant sentiment spreading across South Africa. The country has signalled its willingness to support a continental dialogue on migration, but the SADC gathering offers a more immediate and essential opportunity for regional action.
The roots of South Africa’s xenophobia run deep. In 1994, public statements began circulating that too many foreigners lived in the country and should leave. Over time, this sentiment hardened, particularly in communities with little experience of living alongside people from other African nations. African citizens faced greater difficulty obtaining entry visas than citizens of Western Europe, the United States, Australia, New Zealand and certain Asian countries, even when they held valid work contracts. The visa process for citizens of Mozambique, Malawi, Zimbabwe and other neighbours proved costly and disruptive.
By the mid-1990s, anti-foreigner sentiment had taken root in South Africa’s black communities, fuelled by the perception that African migrants were taking jobs and privileges from locals. Political parties amplified these grievances to gain electoral support. The sentiment erupted into violent attacks in 2008, affecting over 100,000 people. In 2015, then Zulu king Goodwill Zwelithini declared that foreign nationals should leave the country, a statement that incited and legitimised xenophobic violence even after he later retracted it.
Today, deteriorating basic services, education and health systems, combined with rising crime, violence and unemployment, have created fertile ground for vigilante groups. These organisations blame migrants for South Africa’s societal problems and have gained political backing, positioning themselves as the primary voice shaping public opinion. With state authorities mobilised to expel undocumented foreigners, the situation has intensified.
Yet SADC countries share a different history. During anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles, borders were porous and mutual refuge was standard practice. That shared heritage of regional solidarity offers a foundation for collective action. The bloc also possesses the institutional space to develop coordinated responses to xenophobia and migration pressures.
Migration itself is structurally tied to regional economic disparities. Treating it as a localised security issue rather than a shared developmental challenge fails to address why people move in the first place. Many migrants seek better living conditions and opportunities because these are unavailable at home. This survival instinct persists regardless of borders or enforcement crackdowns. When people choose to migrate, they should do so voluntarily, not because they have exhausted all possibilities at home.
SADC needs concrete legal measures to prevent xenophobia from taking root further. One approach is to declare xenophobia illegal and a crime, with severe penalties for those who practise, encourage or promote it, similar to existing laws against racism and hate crimes. Article 4(c) of the SADC Treaty already commits member states to human rights, democracy and the rule of law, providing the legal foundation for addressing discrimination. Some SADC countries have moved ahead: Zambia criminalises incitement to violence, hate speech and public-peace disturbances, and holds immigration officers accountable through an immigration integrity committee. South Africa’s 2019 National Action Plan to Combat Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, supplemented by the Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Act, criminalises xenophobic violence and associated hate speech.
The next step requires SADC states to develop a regional protocol against discrimination and xenophobia. Equally important is a commitment to advancing development across the region. SADC countries must assess local conditions and identify approaches to ensure stability and inclusive economic growth. This cannot be a government exercise alone; it demands collaboration between public and private sectors to enhance employment and develop economies.
Meanwhile, trans-regional economic activities should be expanded, including trade, tourism and technical exchanges. This requires enhanced cooperation among state agencies, non-governmental organisations, civil society and the education sector. Constructive dialogue and regular consultations among neighbouring countries will be essential to clarify questions arising from South Africa’s current anti-migrant sentiments. Such engagement must extend beyond the existing Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa supported by the International Organisation for Migration.
Inclusive and frank dialogue among neighbouring countries laid the foundation for SADC’s emergence in 1980 and has consistently guided the region’s direction. Whether that same commitment to honest conversation can be summoned in Durban on 17 August, with vigilante groups still active and repatriations still under way, is the question the summit cannot afford to leave unanswered.
Q&A
Who are the primary victims of South Africa's anti-migrant campaigns?
African migrants from neighbouring SADC countries, particularly citizens of Mozambique, Malawi, Zimbabwe and other regional neighbours, who face violent attacks, visa barriers, and mass repatriations.
What historical foundation exists for regional cooperation on this issue?
SADC countries share a heritage of regional solidarity from anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles when borders were porous and mutual refuge was standard practice, providing a basis for collective action.
What legal measures does the article propose to address xenophobia?
Declaring xenophobia illegal with severe penalties, developing a regional protocol against discrimination, and enforcing existing SADC Treaty commitments to human rights and the rule of law, similar to laws already in place in Zambia and South Africa.
Why does the article argue migration cannot be solved through enforcement alone?
Migration is structurally tied to regional economic disparities; people move because better living conditions and opportunities are unavailable at home, so addressing root causes requires coordinated development, employment expansion, and trans-regional economic cooperation.